Kur’ân’daki belâgat yönleri sınırsızdır. Bununla birlikte âlimler tarafından bunların ortaya çıkarılması istenmiştir. Bu yönlerden biri de belâgatte itnâbın bir çeşidi olan i‘tirâz cümlesidir. İ‘tirâzın Türkçedeki karşılığı ara cümledir. Fakat bunun iki dildeki kullanılma amaçları farklıdır. Bu çalışma, Arap dilinde i‘tirâz cümlesinin kelamda bulunabileceği yerleri konu edinmektedir. Bu yüzden ara cümle yerine itirâz kavramının kullanılması tercih edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda öncelikle i‘tirâz kavramının sözlük, terim anlamı anlatılmış ve bu tanımın değerlendirilmesi yapılmıştır. Daha sonra klasik nahiv kitaplarından i‘tirâz cümlesinin kelamda bulunabileceği yerler tesbit (...) edilmiş, daha çok nahiv açısından hangi ögeler arasında olduğu değerlendirilmeye çalışılmış, şiir ve ayet bağlamında i‘tirâzın yansıması ele alınmaya gayret edilmiştir. Ayrıca gerek ayetlerin açıklanmasında gerek i‘tirâz olmasının tesbitinde meşhur tefsir kitaplarından da istifade edilmiş, tefsirlerde ayetteki cümlenin i‘tirâz olarak kabul edildiği, eğer i‘tirâz kabul edilmiyorsa neden edilmediği ifade edilmiştir. Şiirlerin anlamı ve ayetlerin meâlinde olabildiğinde itirâz cümlesinin yansıtılmasına özen gösterilmiştir. Konunun daha iyi anlaşılabilmesi için cümlelerdeki ögelerin i‘râb açısından ne olduğu da gerektiğinde belirtilmiştir. Çalışmada amaç, Arap dilinde i‘tirâz cümlesinin kelâmda bulunabileceği yerleri tespit etmek, hangi yerlerin az, hangilerinin de çok olduğunu, ayrıca belâgat olarak da hangi amaçlar için getirildiğini ortaya koymak ve bu cümlelerin kelamda kullanılmasının genel bir amacını ortaya koymaktır. Aynı şekilde ayetlerde bu cümlelerin var olmasının manaya nasıl bir fayda sağladığını göstermektir. Nahivde i‘tirâzın gerçekleşmesi için iki öge arasında bulunması gerekir. Belâgatte iki kelam arasında olması yeterli görülmektedir. Bu çalışma daha çok nahiv ile ilgili olan iki öge arasındaki i‘tirâzı kapsamaktadır. Bununla birlikte iki öge arasında kabul edebileceğimiz mana olarak birbirine bağlı iki kelam arasındaki i‘tirâzlara da değinilmiştir. Her çalışmanın kendisine ait bir öneminin olduğu muhakkaktır. Bu çalışma da yirmi kadar tefsirin incelenip Arap dilindeki i‘tirâz cümlelerini ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlaması açısından öneme sahiptir. Zira çalışma sonunda ayetlerdeki i‘tirâz cümleleri hakkında bilgi sahibi olunacağı gibi tefsirler ışığında bu cümleler hakkında bir öngörüye de sahip olunacaktır. Ayrıca i‘tirâz cümleleri âlimler tarafından bazen birinci ögenin devamı gibi kabul edilmekte, dolayısıyla i‘tirâz cümlesi kabul edilmemektedir. Bu da anlama büyük bir etki yapmaktadır. Zira i‘tirâz olduğunda birinci cümle ile i‘râb yönünden bağlantısı olmayacakken; birinci cümlenin ögesi kabul edildiğinde i‘râb olarak ona bağlı olduğu gibi anlam olarak da onun devamı olmakta ve i‘tirâz olma özelliğini kaybetmektedir. Dolayısıyla bazı ayetlerin anlamının değişmesini bu yönden ele alması açısından araştırmanın konusu ayrıca bir öneme sahiptir. (shrink)

İbn Hacer’in Nuhbetü’l-Fiker ’i ve onun şerhi olan Nüzhetü’n-Nazar ’ının, kendisinden sonra yazılan hadis usûlü eserlerine kaynaklık etmesi ve onları etkilemesi açısından usûl tarihinde önemli bir yeri vardır. Nitekim mezkûr eserler üzerine yapılan şerh ve hâşiye çalışmalarının çokluğu bu önemi ortaya koymaktadır. Fıkıh ve hadis başta olmak üzere çeşitli ilim dallarında 100’ün üzerinde eser kaleme alan ve aynı zamanda İbn Hacer’in de talebelerinden olan Kasım b. Kutluboğa da bahsedilen eser üzerine çalışma yapan âlimlerden biridir. İbn Kutluboğa, hocası İbn Hacer’i birçok (...) yönden eleştirmiş ve çeşitli katkılarda bulunmuştur. Bu makalede İbn Kutluboğa’nın Nüzhetü’n-Nazar üzerine yazdığı Hâşiyetü İbn Kutluboğa adlı eserindeki itirazlar bağlamında kısaca red/itiraz kültüründen bahsedilerek örnekler ortaya konulacak ve mezkûr itirazlar esere hâşiye yazan ilgili bazı âlimlerin görüşleri çerçevesinde değerlendirilecektir. Ele alınan itirazlardan da anlaşılacağı üzere İbn Kutluboğa’nın polemik türü ve muhatabını ilzam edici itirazlarının neredeyse olmadığı ve yönelttiği kimi eleştirilerinde hadis usûlünde bilinen kurallardan farklı görüşler ortaya koyduğu tespit edilmiştir. Ayrıca İbn Kutluboğa’nın öne sürdüğü her itirazında isabetli yorumlar ortaya koymadığını da söylemek mümkündür. (shrink)

Câhiliye döneminde şair ve hatipler tarafından bir meleke olarak kullanılan belagat, geçirdiği hazırlık ve gelişim döneminin ardından ilmî teşekkülünü tamamlayarak Arap dil ilimlerinde müstakil bir dal haline gelmiştir. Ebû Ya‘kûb es-Sekkâkî (öl. 626/1229) öncülüğünde “meânî-beyân-bedî‘” olarak üç başlık altında ele alınmaya başlanan belagat konularının bedî‘ kısmına, Sekkâkî sonrası şerh ve hâşiye dönemi müellifleri tarafından yeni sanatlar eklenmiştir. Bu sanatlardan birisi de tarif ve tesmiyesi Sa‘duddîn et-Teftâzânî’ye (öl. 792/1390) ait olan tecâzüb sanatıdır. Farklı pek çok disiplinde ilmî ve edebî bir terim (...) olarak yer alan bu sanatın etkin kullanım alanlarından birisi de fıkıh ilmidir. Fıkıh sahasında bu sanattan istifade eden âlimlerden birisi Şemsuddîn Muhammed el-Kuhistânî’dir (öl. 962/1555). Kuhistânî Câmi‘u’r-rumûz adlı eserinde öşrün vücûbiyeti ve şart muhayyerliği konularını izah etmek üzere tecâzüb sanatına başvurmaktadır. Ne var ki Kuhistânî’nin kullandığı tecâzüb ifadesi ilim dünyasında anlaşılamayıp muğlak ifadeler olarak kalınca bu ifadelerden kastın ne olduğunu açıklayan bazı risâleler kaleme alınmıştır. Bunlardan birisi de ‘Abdulganî en-Nâblusî’nin çalışmamıza esas olan en-Nesîmu’r-rebî‘î fi’t-tecâzübi’l-bedî‘î adlı risâlesidir. Nâblusî’nin bu risâleyi kaleme almasının ana nedeni, kendisinden önce Kuhistânî’ye ait ifadeleri açıklamak gayesiyle Esne’l-metâlib fî beyâni ma‘ne’t-tecâzüb adında muhtasar bir risâle kaleme alan Seyyid Ahmed el-Hamevî’ye (öl. 1098/1687) reddiye yapmaktır. Nâblusî, Hamevî’ye ait bu risâleyi görmüş ve onun tespitlerinden bazılarını hatalı bulduğunu belirterek reddiye mahiyetinde mezkûr risâlesini kaleme almıştır. Hamevî’nin açıklamalarına ciddi eleştiriler getiren Nâblusî, öşrün vücûbiyeti ve şart muhayyerliği hususlarındaki Kuhistânî’ye ait ifadeleri tecâzüb sanatı açısından yeniden açıklama yoluna gitmiş ve bu konularda Hamevî’ye ait toplamda altı görüşe deliller getirmek suretiyle reddiye yapmıştır. Nâblusî’nin bu risâlesi; zengin kaynak kullanımı, yalın ifade üslûbu ve açıklayıcı örneklerle öne çıkmakta, tecâzüb sanatına dair kapsamlı bilgiler ihtiva etmektedir. Bu araştırma ile ilk olarak tecâzüb kavramı Teftâzânî üzerinden açıklanmış; ardından Nâblusî’nin mezkûr risâlesi, reddiye yaptığı Hamevî’ye ait risâleyle mukabele edilmek suretiyle detaylı olarak analiz edilmiştir. Bu noktada ilk olarak tartışmaya esas olan Kuhistânî’ye ait ifade verilmiş, ardından Hamevî’nin konuya dair açıklaması zikredilmiş, son olarak da Nâblusî’nin reddiyesine yer verilmiştir. Çalışmanın son bölümünde ise Nâblusî’ye ait risâlenin tahkikli metni yer almaktadır. (shrink)

Religion, as a phenomenon that is as old as humanity, has continued to exist in one way or another wherever humans exist. At the core of religion are the principles of faith consisting of divinity, belief in the afterlife and belief in prophethood. When we look at the History of Religions, in almost all religions, when religion first emerged, there was no need for any institution to maintain religious life in a healthy way, but in later periods, protecting religion against (...) attacks from outside, responding to new demands, 'socialization', which are important tasks in social life. The need for institutional organization has emerged for reasons such as being able to fulfill issues such as 'distributing justice' and 'managing religious rites' in a regular and orderly manner, meeting the need to resolve disputes between people through religious means, increasing its followers and encountering different cultures by spreading over wide geographies. All religions have established some institutions to meet these needs. In today's Turkey, in order to respond to the religious needs of the Muslim community and to ensure continuity in religious services without creating any institutional gaps, the Presidency of Religious Affairs, today known as the Presidency of Religious Affairs, was established within the budget of the Prime Ministry and affiliated to the Prime Ministry, with Law No. 429. The Presidency of Religious Affairs has been fulfilling its duties related to the principles of worship, morality and belief, which are the three basic components of the Islamic religion, in line with the objectives specified in the law, without interruption since the day it was established. In the history of Islamic thought, sects are evaluated in two categories: fiqh-practical and religious-political. Firstly, sects whose religious aspects came to the fore were formed. The beginning of the formation of sects such as Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi and Hanbali, which are called fiqh sects and talk about the rules and principles of worship and how to perform worship, coincides with the second century of Hijri and later periods. It is extremely important that religious officials who provide religious services to people of all ages and strata have a reasonable level of knowledge on theological issues as well as their knowledge of practical/fiqh sects. Religious officials, affiliated with DIB, provide multi-dimensional religious services in many different areas, especially mosques and Quran courses. In Turkish society, the most important source of information about religious issues for a large segment of the population is either the imam hatip or muezzin trustee in the neighborhood mosque, the Quran course instructor in the Quran course, or the preachers they reach through different channels such as 190 alo. In line with the information they receive, their religious perceptions are shaped and they continue their religious lives. In this study, it is aimed to reveal the basic views of religious sects and their knowledge levels of religious officials, who have a very important impact on shaping the religious lives of large masses of people. The study group of the research consists of religious officials working in the religious services class working under the Malatya provincial mufti between September 2020 and February 2021. The sample group of the research consists of 401 religious officials working as preachers, Quran course instructors, imam hatip and muezzin trustees under the Malatya provincial mufti's office. The method used in the research was simple random sampling, where each officer had an equal chance. The main purpose of simple random sampling is; The aim is to obtain more objective data by including each individual in the universe with an equal chance in the sample group. In the study, data was obtained with a two-part survey form prepared by the researcher by paying attention to all necessary stages. Both content analysis and descriptive analysis were used to analyze the data obtained. The data was collected by sending a survey link to the participants via Google form due to force majeure conditions arising from the pandemic. Additionally, official permissions were received from the Presidency of Religious Affairs. The collected data was transferred to the SPSS program and interpreted by subjecting it to various tests and was presented visually through tables. As a result of the study, the findings were interpreted by comparing them with similar and opposing studies, and at the end, some suggestions were given for both researchers and practitioners. At the end of the research, it was understood that the level of knowledge of the religious officials who participated in the research regarding the basic views of the theological sects, even if it was at an acceptable level for some sects, was generally not at the expected level and that they did not have sufficient bookish knowledge. (shrink)

Osmanlılar, İbnü’l-Arabî’nin (ö. 638/1240) düşüncelerine ve kitaplarına büyük ilgi göstermiştir. Osmanlı padişahları da, devletlerinin kuruluşunu İbnü’l-Arabî'ye nispet eden rivayetlere değer vermiş ve onun fikirlerini desteklemiştir. Osmanlı’da kurulan medreselerin başında olan kişilerin, ilk dönem şeyhülislam ve kadıların İbnü’l-Arabî'nin fikirlerini yayma çabaları dikkat çekmektedir. Bu durum, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin Osmanlı toplumunda nazarî tasavvuf ekolünün sembolü haline gelmesine neden olmuştur. Şam toplumu ise genelde Osmanlı ile karşılaşmadan önce İbnü’l-Arabî’ye ve eserlerine az ilgi göstermekteydi. Şam’ın Osmanlı yönetimine girmesinden sonra ise bölgede İbnü’l-Arabî’ye ilgi artmıştır. Osmanlı valileri (...) ve kadıların İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmeyi gelenek haline getirmeleriyle daha da belirgin hale gelmiştir. Halk arasında da İbnü’l-Arabî’nin velayetine inanılarak büyük bir hürmet görmüştür. Bu gelişmeler Şam’da İbnü’l-Arabî’nin fikirlerinin yayılmaması açısından önem arz etmekdedir. Osmanlı döneminde, özellikle on altıncı yüzyılda İbn Kemal Paşa'nın desteğiyle İbnü’l-Arabî'ye olan ilgi artmıştır. On yedinci yüzyılda da bu ilgi devam etmiştir. Abdulganî en-Nablusî, on sekizinci yüzyılda İbnü’l-Arabî ekolünün önde gelen ismi olmuştur. On dokuzuncu yüzyılda, Emir Abdülkâdir el-Cezâirî'nin çabalarıyla İbnü’l-Arabî ekolüne mensup sufi ve âlimler çoğalmıştır. Bu dönemde İbnü’l-Arabî'nin evrâdı ve şerhleri de önem kazanmıştır. Şam ulemasından birçok kişi, özellikle Bahâüddin b. Abdülganî el-Baytar ve Muhammed Emin b. Muhammed Süveyd gibi şahsiyetler, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin eserlerini düzenli bir şekilde okumuş ve öğrencilere okutmuştur. Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'ye olan ilgi ve saygı, genel tasavvufî çizgi içinde amelî tasavvufa ağırlık verilmesine rağmen, nazarî tasavvufa yönelik bir eğilim göstermiştir. Şam toplumunda tarih boyunca İbnü’l-Arabî'nin şahsiyeti özel bir konum kazanmıştır. Onun için Şeyhu’l-Ekber gibi lakapların yaygınlaşması bunun göstergesi olmuştur. Âlimler ve mutasavvıflar İbnü’l-Arabî'nin öğretilerine büyük değer vermiş, özellikle baş eseri Fusûs’a önemli şerhler yazılmıştır. İbnü’l-Arabî'ye yönelik eleştiriler ve tartışmalar da yaşanmıştır. Özellikle Fusûsu'l-Hikem kitabındaki görüşleri bazı âlimler tarafından eleştirilmiş ve hatta tekfir edilmiştir. Ancak Osmanlı Devleti'nin resmi tutumu, İbnü’l-Arabî'ye destek vermek ve eleştirilere karşı çıkmak şeklinde olmuştur. Zamanla, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin eserleri savunulmuş ve eleştirilere cevaplar verilmiştir. Osmanlı valileri, Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin görüşlerine saldıran kişileri soruşturmuş ve cezalandırmıştır. Ancak bu tutum, Osmanlı fakihleri arasında da eleştiri ve karşıt görüşlerin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabri Osmanlı döneminde sürekli olarak ziyaret edilmiş, bu ziyaretler cuma geceleri özel olarak artmıştır. Osmanlı devlet adamları şeyhler ve âlimler, Şam'a girişlerinde önce İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmişlerdir. Kabir ziyaretine olan bu ilgi, zaman içinde önemli şahsiyetlerin defnedilme arzusuna dönüşmüş, Osmanlı büyüğü olan birçok kişi İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabri yakınında gömülmeyi tercih etmiştir. Osmanlı devlet adamları ve şeyhlerinin İbnü’l-Arabî'nin etrafında defnedilme çabaları, bu bölgenin Osmanlılar dönemindeki etkisini göstermektedir. Osmanlı döneminde Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin öğretileri önemli ölçüde ilgi görmüş, devlet adamları, âlimler ve sûfîler tarafından benimsenmiştir. Osmanlılar, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin mirasını koruma ve destekleme amacıyla çeşitli önlemler almıştır. Ancak bu ilgi genellikle belirli gruplar arasında kalmış ve geniş kitlelere ulaşmamıştır. Tarikatlar genellikle İbnü’l-Arabî'nin vahdet-i vücûd anlayışına ilgi göstermiştir. Şam’da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin fikirleri zaman zaman eleştirilmiş ve savunulmuştur. (shrink)

Makalede, Osmanlı bilgini Şemseddin Ahmed b. Musâ el-Ḫayâlî’nin düşüncesi bağlamında değerin imkânı ve fiillere değer yüklemenin kaynağı sorununun incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Mu‘tezile ve Eş‘arîler karşısında Hanefî-Mâtürîdî gelenekte değer konusuna yaklaşımın ne olduğu sorusu Hayâlî’nin görüşlerine referansla ele alınmıştır. Hayâlî, kendi düşüncesini, hocası Hızır Bey’in el-Ḳaṣîdetü’n-nûniyye adlı kasidesine yazdığı şerhte ortaya koymuştur. Özellikle bu kasidenin “iyilik ve kötülük şer‘îdir ama/ biz bunların akılla bilinebileceğini söylüyoruz” dizelerinin yorumunda hüsun ve kubuh meselesini incelemiştir. Onun düşüncelerinin analiz edilmesi ve yorumlanmasında Muhammed Ömer b. eş-Şeyh (...) Abdi’l-Celîl b. eş-Şeyh Abdi’l-Cemîl el-Bağdâdî el-Hanefî’nin Ḥavâşî’l-Futûḥiyye li-Şerḥi’n-Nûniyye ve Mehmet Emin Üsküdârî’nin Ḥâşiye ʿalâ Şerḥi Hayâlî ‘ale’l-Ḳaṣîdeti’n-nûniyye adlı eserinden yararlanılmıştır. Eş‘arîler, insan için değer bilgisinin mümkün olmadığını iddia ederek, iyi ve kötü hakkındaki bilgimizin kaynağının din olduğunu kabul etmişlerdir. Mu‘tezilî düşünürler ise iyi ve kötüyü fiillerin zatına ya da fiillerin zatında bulunan sıfatlarla ilişkilendirmişlerdir. Cübbâîler gibi bazı Mu‘tezilî düşünürler, fiillerin yapıldığı bağlamın ve şartların da değer atfetmede önemli olduğunu ifade etmişlerdir. Değer konusunda, Buharalı Hanefî âlimler Eş‘arî değer anlayışına yakın dururken, Mâtürîdîler Mu‘tezilî fikirlere yakın durmuşlardır. Mâtürîdîler, dinin iyi ve kötü hakkında bilgi verdiğini kabul etmekle birlikte bazı şeylerin değerinin akılla bilinebileceğini iddia etmişlerdir. Çalışmamızda, Hayâlî’nin temel yaklaşımının Mâtürîdîlerin değer anlayışından yana olduğu gösterilmiştir. Fiillere yüklenen iyi ve kötünün anlamları konusunda Mu‘tezile ve Mâtürîdîler arasındaki benzerliklere dikkat çekilmiştir. İyi ve kötünün üç anlamının olduğu açıklanmıştır. İlk olarak iyilik, bir insanın fiilinin bu dünyada övülmesi ve ahirette ödüllendirilmesi anlamına gelir. Kötülük, bu dünyada yerilmeyi ve ahirette cezalandırılmayı ifade eder. İkinci olarak, iyi, amaca uygun olandır ve kötü ise amaca uygun olmayandır. Bu, aynı zamanda, iyinin yararlı olan ve kötünün de zararlı olan olduğu anlamına gelmektedir. Üçüncü olarak iyi, bir yetkinlik sıfatıdır ve kötü de bir eksiklik sıfatıdır. Örneğin bilgi, insanı yetkinleştirdiği için iyidir. Bilgisizlik, insanı eksik ve düşük bir durumda bıraktığı için kötüdür. Mu‘tezile’ye göre her şeyin iyilik ve kötülüğü akılla bilinirken, Mâtürîdîlere göre bazı şeylerin iyilik ve kötülüğü akılla idrak edilebilir. Bu bağlamda Mu‘tezilî ve Mâtürîdî düşünürler, sorumluluğu gerektiren değer bilgisinin kaynağının din olduğunu kabul eden Eş‘arîlerin argümanlarını eleştirmişlerdir. Makalede, ayrıca, tek bir cümlede doğruluk ve yanlışlığın birleşmesiyle ortaya çıkan yalancı paradoksu ile değerin kaynağı arasında kurulan ilişki ele alınmıştır. Yalancı paradoksunun bir çözümünün olduğuna inanan Hayâlî, bu çözüm üzerinden, Mâtürîdî değer anlayışının haklı gösterilebileceğini ifade etmiştir. (shrink)

Since the beginning of human history, there has been no society that did not have any religion. Man meets his need to believe, encoded in his nature by turning to God. God has not left humans alone in their journey on earth, and from time to time, He has intervened in the world through his prophets. The prophethood, which constitutes one of the main subjects of theology, is an important institution in God-human communication. The messengers chosen by God convey to (...) people the information that they received through revelation and offer teachings that will bring them to salvation. The idea of salvation by God when suffering or feeling helpless has driven people to the expectation of a savior. Nearly all religions except Shintoism have the awaited savior belief in the world. Accordingly, the savior will emerge in an environment of chaos where disasters are experienced, and a moral collapse is observed. The expected savior will drive people away from this turmoil, bring them happiness, well-being, and lead them to salvation. Although there is a savior belief in Judaism and Christianity, Muslims claim that the awaited savior in these religions is Muhammad. Muslim thinkers who believe that Muhammad was heralded in previous scripts, tried to find evidence on the subject from the Bible. One of the Islamic scholars who did researches for this purpose is Shamsuddin al-Samarqandi. Shamsuddin Mohammed b. Ashraf al-Husayni al-Samarqandi is an important Turkish-Islamic scholar who lived in Turkestan at the end of the 7th century and the first quarter of the 8th century. Samarqandi is a versatile scholar who produced important works in various fields such as philosophy, logic, mathematics, discussion, debate and astronomy. Shamsuddin al-Samarqandi is one of the eminent scholars who have written his name in the history of science and philosophy with his works. He adopted a critical and analytical style in almost every field, putting the science of logic at the center of his system. His constructive criticisms had an important function in understanding and interpreting the ideas of numerous thinkers, from Greek philosophers to Islamic philosophers and representatives of philosophical theology. In addition to all these, Samarqandi did not hesitate to criticize the Christian and Jewish belief systems, religions such as Sanawiyyah and Zoroastrianism, and the teachings of the naturalist philosophers regarding the relationship between God and the world in the light of rational and scriptural evidence. Samarqandi, who distinguished himself in rational sciences, also showed himself with his background in theology. Due to his exceptional intellectual interest, he analyzes some key concepts and divine codes related to the Bible, making original inferences about the loyalty of Muhammad, the prophet of Islam. Samarqandi interprets some passages of the Torah and the New Testament, which he considers as signs of Muhammad's prophethood, in the axis of language, logic and the rules of shariah, and concludes that Muhammad is the last prophet to be announced. The conceptual framework that he mostly focuses on in this regard contains Mount Paran, Paraklite, comparison with Moses, and the good news given to the Ishmaelites. Samarqandi makes inferences about the environment in which Muhammad appeared, his qualities, and his lineage, based on the aforementioned concepts. Samarqandi also responds to the criticisms raised by the Ahl al-Kitab about the principles, such as the abolition of other religious rules constituting the basis of Muhammad's legitimacy and establishment of Islam instead, and him being a universal prophet. An important privilege of Samarqandi is that he not only grounds his claims on a theoretical scale but also engages in debates with the leaders of the Ahl al-Kitab. Although Samarqandi exhibits a satisfactory analytical attitude in most of his claims, he displays a sophisticated approach based on the method of coercion (ilzām) in some of his claims. Although he adheres to the tradition of beshair al-nubuwwah in general, he gives a different perspective and strong reasoning to the same evidence within the tradition with the effect of his identity as a verifier (muhaqqik). (shrink)

Günümüze kadar süregelen bir mezhep olarak Zeydiliğin Yemen bölgesinde geçirdiği süreçlerden birisi de 16. yy.’da imametini ilan eden Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed ile başlayan ve Cumhuriyetin ilanına kadar iktidarın soyundan gelenlerin devam ettirdiği dönem bulunmaktadır. Ancak Kâsımîler dönemi olarak bilinen bu sürece dair literatürde yeterli bilgi bulunmamaktadır. Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed’in akaid, fıkıh, usul gibi alanlarda kıymetli eserlerinin yanı sıra kaleme aldığı ufak bir risalesi de bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada ise Kâsımî Hanedanlığının kurucusu olarak bilinen Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. (...) class='Hi'>Muhammed’in oğlu Müeyyed-Billâh Muhammed b. Kâsım için kaleme aldığı vasiyet metninin literatüre kazandırılması amaçlanmaktadır. (shrink)

Despite the hadiths and narratives that warn about the interpretation of the Qur’ān by opinion, the question of how Qur’ānic verses can be understood is about the nature of Qur’ānic exegesis. These narratives, which limit the interpretation to the exact field and indicate the invalidity of the specification of the intention with the imprecise information, bring with it the question of how to understand the Qur’ān in each period and society. The issue that has been questioned in the frame of (...) the commentary from the earliest periods is based on the possibility of commenting besides the narration and defining the area that the thought belongs to the commentator. In this context, it is seen that the distinction between the conceptualization of tafsīr-taʾwīl words in classical commentary literature deals with the subject of the tafsīr, their belongings, epistemological values and contexts. Mainly, this study will question whether authors who do not distinguish between tafsīr-taʾwīl categorize the information about commentary in a different context, then it will analyze two basic approaches on tafsīr and taʾwīl. In the paper, it will be suggested that these classifications in the classical literature should be evaluated together within the framework of the search for methodology in exegesis. Summary: The Prophet, who was the first glossator of the Qur’ān, forbade people to talk about the Qur’ān with their own judgments. The prominent people of the companions refused to comment on some words that were closed in meaning (garīb). The words quoted from Abū Bakr and ʿUmar on this subject are quite famous. However, the Qur’ān is a universal book revealed to be understood in all ages and geographies till the doomsday. The fact that all the verses were not interpreted by the Prophet, and the expansions of meaning observed in the Qur’ān wording necessitate the interpretation of the Qur’ān. The fact that the Prophet forbade people to talk with their own judgments about the Qur’ān and the necessity of understanding the Qur’ān in every era constitutes a dilemma that must be explained. The resolution of this issue will both determine the legitimacy of tafsīr (interpretation) and reveal the difference between the Prophet's tafsīr and the tafsīrs by other people. In this context, a distinction was made between the interpretations of the Prophet and of the companions who witnessed the revelation period from the Tabarī (d. 310/923) in the classical tafsīr literature and the interpretations by glossators in terms of their bindingness and information values. Thus, before even starting the interpretation, glossators questioned the possibility of interpretation of the Qur’ān without the tafsīr of the Prophet and the narratives from the companions that have the force of hadith marfūʿ.It is seen in classical tafsīr literature that distinctions between the tafsīr of the Prophet and the interpretations of the glossator are usually constructed on the terms of tafsīr and ta'wil, to which terminological meanings are attributed. In this regard, the methodology of Māturīdī (d. 333/944) is quite specific and clear. According to Māturīdī, tafsīr is an exact field. Only the tafsīr of the Prophet and the narratives of the companions that have the force of marfūʿ can be included in this field. Taʾwīl, on the other hand, is an area based on supposing. Preferences to be made from possible meanings are supposition and related to taʾwīl. The fact that Māturīdī included the explanations of the Prophet and his companions in the tafsīr field and stated that they expressed exact information shows that he regarded this information in the value of the statement of mutakallim. The data included in the field of taʾwīl are not as the data included in the field of tafsīr in terms of their bindingness and information value. The interpretations made in the field of taʾwīl include supposition; so they cannot be attributed to the desire of God. The field that the Prophet forbade people from declaring their own views is the field of tafsīr in the methodology of Māturīdī. The exactness of this field is an indication that the tafsīr is related to God's desire. It is not right to declare an opinion with supposition in the field that is exact and definite. Even though the interpretation in the field of tafsīr is in accordance with the truth, this cannot eliminate the responsibility of the interpreter that make determinations based on supposition in the exact and definite field. Some scholars, such as Qushayrī (d. 465/1072), also classify the narrative-sagacity areas by means of tafsīr-taʾwīl concepts. This classification deals with the data that is the subject of tafsīr in terms of their belongingness. Indeed, tafsīr science includes both the data that are linked with transmission and non-transmittable elements that can be achieved by following a methodology. Non-transmittable elements included in the taʾwīl field by those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity are the meanings reached through linguistic efforts. Language is an element that holds possibilities in itself. Considering closeness of meaning, multi-meanings, metaphors and allusions in the wording, it can be thought that the meanings reached by linguistic methods include supposition. In the methodology of Māturīdī, the field of tafsīr is composed of the explanations of the Prophet and the narratives of the companions who witnessed the revelations while in the classifications of those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity, tafsīr generally includes narratives. When the issue is handled within the framework of the desire of God and the statements of the mutakallim, it seems that the classification of Māturīdī is more punctual. However, it is understood that this approach does not give a satisfactory answer to the subsequent situations and bindingness of the mentioned data. In the classifications based on narrative-sagacity, the narratives in the field of tafsīr are taken as a whole without analyzing their health grades and their signification. However, some of these narrations are not authentic; so, in this respect it is a problematic issue that they are the subjects of the field of tafsīr. Besides, sometimes there can be different narrations about the tafsīr of verses from the companions. The evaluation these narratives in a field attributed to the desire of God may also pose a problem. The linguistic data that both Māturīdī and those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity include in the field of taʾwīl does not appear to have a homogeneous structure -as is the case with the narratives-. Indeed, among this data, there are elements whose meanings are quite hard to determine as well as firm ones that possibly have only one meaning. It is controversial that these expressions, which have only one meaning and to the validity of whose meaning other evidence point out are included in the field of taʾwīl.The distinction between meaning and interpretation fields in tafsīr is very important in terms of tafsīr methodology. This field designation is in a way a description of nature of the science of tafsīr. Thus, in matters where the human intelligence remains insufficient with the tafsīr narratives from the Prophet, the bindingness of the narratives from the companions are clarified; furthermore, beyond the narrative, the validity and the information values of interpretations of the glossator are determined. In this regard, the tafsīr-taʾwīl distinctions made in the classical tafsīr literature provide us with a rich content and a multifaceted point of view. However, when addressed separately, these distinctions present a number of problems in terms of scope and applicability. Our study proposes the evaluation of tafsīr-taʾwīl distinctions in classical literature together while the meaning-interpretation fields are specified in the framework of the search for methodology in tafsīr. Thus, the incomplete aspects of the classification will be eliminated and a much more comprehensive and functional classification will be achieved. At this point, the methodologies of some figures as Tabarī, who is known to have used the terms of tafsīr and taʾwīl in the same meaning, must also be evaluated separately. Indeed, when the works of these names are analyzed, it is seen that these names also distinguish the meaning-interpretation fields in tafsīr, but they do not do this through the tafsīr-taʾwīl concepts. (shrink)

Organizational cronyism refers to favoring some employees within an organization based on non-performance-related factors. Although it is highly likely to encounter many attitudes and behaviors meeting this description within public and private institutions, there are limited studies on this issue. Thus, the purpose of this study is to develop a valid and reliable scale to assess the perception of cronyism among organizational members. To this end, an item pool was formed based on current literature as well the views of teachers (...) and expert recommendations. The validity–reliability of the scale was tested via two sample groups. As a result of the study, a scale with 3 dimensions and 15 items as well as psychometric qualities was developed to assess employee perceptions of cronyism. The scale dimensions comprise: in-group bias, paternal cronyism, and reciprocal exchange of favor in accordance with the way the method was addressed in the literature. The analyses of nomological validity of the scale showed that perception of cronyism is an important predictor of trust in managers. (shrink)

In the field of ʿUlūm al-Qurʾān, in which the conceptual framework of the science of interpretation is drawn and the main rules used in tafsīr are discussed, independent books have been compiled since early periods. Some of these works stand out as foundational texts because they make important determinations about the nature, function, methodology, and relationship of the science of tafsīr with other Islamic sciences. The masterpiece entitled Fahm al-Qurʾān by al-Khāris al-Muhāsibī, a scholar of sufism, tafsīr, kalām, and hadīth (...) is one of these books. Al-Muḥāsibī was a writer who lived in a period when philological and Sharīʿah sciences gained a systematic structure and schools were born and developed. Muhāsib'i's multifaceted scholarly depth, the requirements of his time, and the characteristics of his work distinguish Fahm al-Qurʾān from other works in the field in terms of its problematic, content, and style. It can be said that Fahm al-Qurʾān consists of two main chapters. In the first chapter, the issues of kalām, meaning, and reason are subjected to a quiddity inquiry. In the second chapter, the linguistic aspect of kalām is emphasized and the content and style of the Qur'ān are discussed under the headings of muhkam- mutashābih, naskh and üslūb al-Qur'ān. In this work, al-Muḥāsibī suggests that before asking How we should understand the Qur'ān?, the reader should ask What exactly is being understood and what is meaning? The first of these questions includes the question Who am I? While the sources of The Sciences of the Qurʾān mostly focus on how to understand the Qurʾān at the epistemological and methodological level, in Fahm al- Qurʾān, the meaning of understanding the Qurʾān is problematized and a theory of reason and meaning that is competent with moral training is built. Thus, the conceptual inquiries of the work extend to the existential philosophy of the author. Despite these privileges, it is surprising that Fahm al-Qurʾān did not gain a prominent place among the main sources of tafsir methodology in later periods. This may be due to the theorization of a theory of meaning in which moral maturation is placed at the center. In this research, while trying to reveal the original value that Muhāsibī added to the field with Fahm al-Qurʾān, the systematic structure of the science of interpretation, its connection with other religious sciences, the relationship between speech adjective and language were made problematic and tried to be resolved in the context of the research hypothesis. In this context, it has been determined that al-Muḥāsibī's Fahm al-Qurʾān draws the conceptual framework of tafsīr methodology in relation to the authentic structure of the sharī'ah sciences at a very early period. The fact that Fahm al-Qurʾān carries important signs regarding the position of tafsīr in the hierarchy of sciences and its relationship with other sharī'ah sciences increases the value of the work in identifying the codes of the traditional paradigm. In the research, in which induction methods were used in text analysis and deduction methods were used in discourse analysis, it was determined that Fahm al-Qurʾān had a fiction that shapes the traditional paradigm and depicts the authentic structure of religious sciences. (shrink)

In the Qurʾān, it is mentioned that those who disbelieve insist on not believing by putting forward various excuses. One of them is that deniers attribute polytheism to Allah’s wish. When those who disbelieve are asked why they do not believe, they argue that they cannot deny unless Allah wills. On the other hand, expressions in line with the words spoken by the polytheists in the Qurʾān are also attributed to Allah. Such a paradoxical appearance between the verses requires a (...) detailed examination of the subject. In this study, the reasons for using these expressions by the deniers and the historical contexts of the verses will be examined. In addition, we will talk about the discussion of whether the expressions that bind polytheism to the wish of God are absolutely correct, since the subject is related to the wish. Because the interpretation of the verses varies according to both views. In addition to this, whether the deniers are sincere in these words is an element that affects the interpretation. Ahl al-Sunna scholars argue that this proposition is absolutely correct and that the deniers say this sentence with a mocking attitude. On the other hand, Muʿtazilī scholars are of the opinion that the proposition is absolutely wrong and that the deniers say this word with conviction. In addition, while Muʿtazilī scholars think that the nature of the Allah’s wish in both verses is different; Ahl Sunna scholars think that both are the same. Although it seems at first glance that the disbelievers attribute their denial to the legacy of Allah is an attitude that mocks them and believes that Allah is pleased with them, in reality, this is because they deny fate and turn to coercion and do not believe in prophethood and the Hereafter. Because, saying “If Allah willed, we would not associate” is based on the conviction that Allah gave consent to this belief they inherited from their ancestors and left them in accordance with their current beliefs. Devotion to ancestors is not necessarily a bad thing. However, if loyalty to ancestors is through prophethood, it leads to a true faith and ensures that faith is transferred to the next generations in a healthy way. On the other hand, if traditional practices in the name of religion turn into a practice that is against the spirit of the religion after a while, devotion to ancestors becomes an element that leads to denial. The fact that their ancestors lived a very prosperous life in the world even though they also had this belief reveals that they did not believe in the hereafter. Because, according to their opinion, if their ancestors had not been on the right path, God should have punished them in this world. Another reason why they attribute their denial to the legacy of Allah is their lack of belief in prophethood. Because, according to them, prophethood does not have an effect, nor it is necessary, for their faith, which depends only on the legacy of Allah. The most important factor that determines whether the propositions in the verses we examined are correct is the context of the sentence and the intention of the people using the proposition. In other words, the meaning and value of attributing denial to Allah’s wish differs according to the addressee. Because one can mean the falsehood with a true word. The same expression used in different contexts used for this may also be false, due to the difference in context and purpose. As pointed out in verse 148 of Surat al-An’am, a person who has the ability and power to believe, abandon polytheism and rebellion, ignoring this opportunity and power given by Allah and implying that he is pleased with a deed that Allah is not pleased with like idolatry. “If Allah willed, we would not associate idolatry” is a false sentence and false claim that is expressed in the verse. On the other hand, as pointed out in verse 107 of the Surat al-An’am and verse 99 of Surat Yunus, our Prophet who is desperate in the current situation and who has an extreme sense of responsibility because they do not believe, consoled our Prophet that his only duty was to convey the truth to the deniers with the statement “If Allah so willed, they would not have converted to Islam” and “If Allah willed, all those on earth would have believed,” indicating that he allowed them to practice idolatry as a requirement of the test and that he did not force people to believe, in order to state that he is not a guardian and that he should not force them to believe. Therefore, each different situation points to a different dimension of the truth about God’s legitimacy. (shrink)

I read with great bewilderment the unconvincing arguments of Peter F. Omonzejele in his article “Ethical Challenges Posed by the Ebola Virus Epidemic in West Africa” published in the 11 issue of the Journal of Bioethical Inquiry. While the author glaringly mixed up anthropological issues concerning the hygiene of hand-washing and safe burials in an article with a title clearly focused on ethical challenges, he failed to establish how the current Ebola epidemic ravaging some West Africa countries made these human (...) practices ethical challenges. Anecdotal examples cited in the article fit entirely into the realm of anthropological and sociological issues fuelling the spread of Ebola but are not in any way related to ethical challenges. The title was either misleading or the author deliberately discussed anthropological/sociological issues tangentially in an article supposedly written on ethical issues.The author also contradicted himself, having categorized as a compelling need t .. (shrink)

al-Zarkashī, an ethnic Turk, is an important hadith, fiqh and commentary scholar who lived during the Mamlūks period. He was taught by some of the leading scholars of his era, such as Alā al-Dīn Mughultay (d. 762/1360), Imād al-Dīn Ibn Kashīr (d. 774/1372) ve Jamal al-Dīn al-Asnawī (d. 772/1370), and he grew up under their mentorship. Nevertheless, his only well-known student is Birmāvī (d. 831/1428). Almost half of his works have been related to fiqh and methodology of fiqh, and he (...) has also written some important works in the field of hadith. Among these, especially al-Tadhkira, al-Nukat alā Ibn al-Salāh, al-Nukat alā al-Umda fī al-Ahkām ve al-Icāba are worthy of mention. The work named al-Tadhkira, which we built our work upon, is the first known work to have been preserved in the field. Due to his being a first in his field, he was vastly studied as to how he evaluated the narrations and what kind of procedure he followed. In this work of his, not only the criticism but also the application of the text criticism adds to the importance of the work. Then, on the basis of this work, scholars such as al-Sakhāwī and al-Aclūnī made complementary works on the same subject. Summary: It is inevitable for a person to be shaped by the society he lives in. During the time when al-Zarkashī lived, Egypt was under the rule of the Mamlūks. The history of Mamlūks is examined under two periods: 1. Bahrī or Turkish Mamlūks (745 / 1344 - 794-1391) 2. Burjī or Circassian Mamlūks (784 / 1382 - 923 / 1517) period. Our author lives in both periods. About forty years of his life was in the period of Bahrī and the rest was in the period of Burjī. In both periods, the state did not have a full political authority in the country, but this was not the case in education and training. In fact, on the contrary to the political situation, scientific activities have accelerated by the arrival of many scholars to the land of Mamlūk because of the Mongol invasions coming from the east and the Crusades from the west. The increase of scientific activity was caused not only by the coming of the scholars but also by the support given by the Mamlūk sultans. In fact, they built many new madrasas in addition to the resurrection of the old ones. In addition to madrasas during the Mamlūks period, mosque, hāngāh, ribat and zāwiya are also among the educational places.Hadith, fiqh and Tafsir scholar al-Zarkashī is originally Turkish. He was born in Cairo at 745 under the conditions mentioned above. His family learned of gold and silverworking because of their subsequent settlement to Egypt, and they made their living with this craft. A person who performs this is called Zarkash in Arabic. Muhammad ibn Bahādır, who learned and did this job, was known as al-Zarkashī. al-Zarkashī, known for his love of science since childhood, was trained hadith by Alā al-Dīn Mughultay (d. 762/1360) and Imād al-Dīn Ibn Kashīr (d. 774/1372) in Damascus, and fiqh by al-Asnawī (d. 772/1370). Among his beneficiaries are distinguished personalities such as al-Subkī (d. 756/1355), al-Azraī (d. 783/1381) and al-Bulqīnī (d. 824/1421). The most remarkable of his student is al-Birmāvī (d. 831/1428).It is known that he wrote about fifty works in hadith, tafsir, fiqh, methodology of fiqh and other fields. Especially among these works al-Burhān fī ʻUlūm al-Qur’ān, al-Tadhkira, al-Ijāba, al-Bahr al-Muhīt fî Usūl al-Fiqh ve al-Mansūr fī al-Qawāid is worth mentioning. Studies on al-Burhān and al-Bahr were carried out at the level of Master and PhD.al-Zarkashī did not hesitate to criticize any person for whom he had found his mistake. For example, even though he has a great love for him, and even because of this love, he has been given the name of al-Minhāj, the criticism of al-Nawawī is the clearest indication of the value given to science. Not just him, critics of scholars such as al-Hākim al-Naysābūrī and Ibn ʻAbd al-Barr who are recognized as authority in hadith can also be considered in this framework.The work named al-Tadhkira which we have studied in our work is of importance in that it shows the accumulation of knowledge in the field of hadith. In order to compose this work, it is necessary to have enough information in this field since the riwāyas must be criticized in terms of isnād and text. To compose his work, al-Zarkashī has benefited from about a hundred and forty works related to hadith, tafsir, al-siyar, history, tabakāt, commentary, jarh - taʻdīl, ilal and maghāzī. The use of such works is an effort to reach all sources and right information as much as possible. Some of these sources are basic hadith books such as al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870) al-Sahīh, Muslim (d. 261/875) al- Sahīh, Abū Dāʾūd (d. 275/889) al-Sunan, al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892) al-Sunan, al-Nasā’ī (d. 303/915) al-Sunan, Ibn Mādja (d. 273/887) al-Sunan, Mālik ibn Anas (d. 179/795) al-Muwatta, Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855) al-Musnad, al-Dārimī (d. 255/869) al-Sunan, ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Sanʻānī (d. 211/826-27) al-Musannaf, Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849) al-Musannaf, Ibn Rāhwayh (d. 238/853) al-Musnad, al- Bazzār (d. 292/905) al-Musnad, Abu Yaʻlā el-Mawsilī (d. 307/919) al-Musnad, Ibn Hibbān (d. 354/965) al-Sahīh, al-Tabarānī (d. 360/971) al-Muʻjam al-Awsat and al-Muʻjam al-Kabīr, al-Hākim al-Naysābūrī (d. 405/1014) al-Mustadrak.al-Zarkashī divided the riwāyas he had studied into eight subjects. These are judgments, wisdom, zuhd, medicine, virtue, prayer, story, words and riwāyas circulating in language. He shares the information he obtains from sources about him after mentioning the riwāyas he will examine. For example, it is mentioned that there is not a hadith which is transmitted as a hadith, it is a word of a sahāba, tābiun or a person. He transferred on the riwāyas the sources mentioned in the sources, but also stated that he did not participate in some information as the place came.The author has evaluated the narrators of the riwāyas from the point of jarh and taʻdīl. He did not only evaluate riwāyas in terms of isnād, but also text criticism. This activity is a distinctive feature of his work.al-Zarkashī gave information about the misrepresentation of the name of the narrators. He also explained the strange words that are difficult to understand in the text. It is a manifestation of his knowledge in the fiqh area that some of the riwāyas that are considered weak are expressed in some sects. The author described some errors about the riwāyas. For example, he stated that a riwāya that is said to be marfūʻ is a mavkūf. al-Zarkashī also included verses, hadiths and poems about the riwāya that he had studied while writing his work or he defended it by saying that it is not the case of a riwāya that is said to be fictitious.Perhaps it is the weakest point of al-Zarkashī’s work not to give any information about some riwāya, only to mention their isnāds. He also found some riwāyas that did not have a reliable isnāds and stated that their meanings are correct. This knowledge has become an enlightening characteristic for later generations.This work has a great significance in showing that the majority of the riwāyas that spread among the people are not hadiths. As a matter of fact, 73% of the riwāyas examined in the work are weak or irrelevant riwāyas. This work of al-Zarkashī is unique. The existence of such a work has not been determined before him. This work constituted the basis of the works written by scholars such as al-Sakhāwī and al-Aclūnī in the same subject after him. (shrink)

The last forming knowledge of Ulûmu'l-Qur'ân is Mübhemât al-Qur'ân. The subject matter of the ambiguous expressions and their equivalents in the Qur'an is a word that can not be understood completely by what it means in a general description. The first work on the field was taken in the sixth century, when the first works on the Qur'an's relics were performed during the companionship period. As the most honorable of the Qur'anic scholarship, Mübhemât has been subject to some problematic approaches (...) in terms of both interpreters and their nature. It is some of these mistaken approaches to evaluate the first interlocutors of the Qur'an and the following interlocutors in the same category without making any separation in the recipes made and to make a text treatment on the Qur'an again. However, in the process of seeking the legitimacy that started with the formation of the Islamic sects, the mubhamat became a subject of intense exploitation, which made it compulsory and necessary for the copyright of the works on mubhamat.In conclusion, in our view, the most correct approach to this issue is to keep the guiding principle of the Qur'an itself and its evidences conveyed from the Prophet in the identification and determination of indefinite expressions, as Maturidi stated. It will not allow the past generations and those who are likely to form in the future to abuse the Qur’an, to exploit people through the Qur'an, to express their claims and discourse through the indefinite expressions of the Qur’an, or more clearly, to distort the Qur'an in meaning. (shrink)

Bu makale bireysel ve toplumsal düzeyde unutma, unutmayla bağlantılı olarak hafıza ve kimlik(sizleşme) sorunlarına odaklanmaktadır. Unutmanın modern kültüre özgü yaşam biçimlerinden kaynaklandığı varsayımıyla hareket edilmektedir. Herhangi bir şeyin "gösteri"lmedikçe anlam kazanamadığının düşünüldüğü modern yeni medya kültüründe bireylerin eylemleri yalnızca içi boşaltılan ve hızlıca unutulan seyirliklerden ibaret olmaktadır. Bu iç boşaltma ve anlamsızlaştırma tarihe, geleneğe, hafızaya ve kimliğe de benzer yollarla sirayet etmektedir. Kimlik; farklılıkların ve ayırt edilebilir özelliklerin ifade edilebilmesi için kullanılan bir terimdir. Bir kişi ismiyle, kökeniyle (geçmişiyle/hafızasıyla) diğerlerinden ayrılabilir. (...) Tüm bunların unutulması, farklılıkların silinmesi ve yeni kimliğin ayırt edilebilir yanlarının olmaması bireyi ve toplumu önemli bir kimlik sorunuyla karşılaştırmaktadır. Apples filmi hafızasını ve kimliğini kaybeden bir toplumun portresini çizmektedir. Bu makale; sosyolojik film analizi yöntemiyle Apples filmini analiz etmektedir. Modern kültürde unutma, hafıza ve kimlik sorunu üzerine tartışmalar yürütmektedir. Öncelikli olarak unutma meselesi üzerine yoğunlaşmakta, ardından unutmayla ilişkilendirilen hafıza ve kimlik konularına yönelmektedir. (shrink)

Ockhamlı William’dan bu yana çeşitli biçim alışlarla karşımıza çıkan dilde sadeleşme hareketi, 20. Yüzyılda analitik dil felsefesinin kurucuları tarafından farklı bir boyuta taşınmış, mantıksal pozitivizmde ise zirveye ulaşmıştır. Doğa bilimsel yöntemlerin etkisiyle şekillenen ve modern mantık alanında yapılan özgün ve nitelikli çalışmaların etkisiyle yetkinleşen bu anlayış, felsefenin metafizik problemlerini dil bağlamında ele almaktadır. Bu görüşün savunucuları, getirmiş oldukları bir dizi ölçüt aracılığıyla anlamlı olan ve olmayan ifadeler arasında ayrım yapmayı hedeflemişlerdir. Felsefi gelenekteki çözümsüz görünen “anlamsız” metafizik tartışmaları “elimine etmeyi” amaçlayan (...) bu hareketin vardığı son noktada, olgusal bir karşılığı bulunmayan ve mantıksal sözdizimi kurallarına uymayan her ifade, metafiziğin kalıntısı olmakla itham edilmektedir. Adorno ve Horkheimer’a göre spekülatif felsefeye yönelik gerçekleştirilen bu saldırı, Aydınlanma’nın dili mitostan arındırma çabalarının doruk noktasıdır. Onlara göre analitik dil felsefesinin olgucu filozoflarının felsefelerinde dilin anlam taşımasına müsaade edilmemekte ve yalnızca gösterge işlevi dikkate alınmaktadır. Dil, bir formül olarak katılaşarak soyutlaşmakta ve formüle uymayan her düşünce solup gitmektedir. Bu anlayış, spekülatif felsefe geleneğindeki felsefi sistemlerin unsurları olan etik, estetik, yaşamın anlamı gibi konuların felsefeden tasfiye edilmesine yol açmıştır. Adorno ve Horkheimer’a göre varlık alanındaki niteliksel farklılıkların göz ardı edilmesi, insanın şeyleşmesi ve kendi özüne yabancılaşmasına sebep olmuş, bireyin gizilgüçlerini kaybettiği bu ortamda toplumsal dönüşümün imkanı da ortadan kalkmıştır. (shrink)

Bu çalışmanın amacı Martin Buber etiğinin özgünlüğünü keşfetmek ve geliştirmektir. Buber varlığı ilişki temelinde ele alarak Ben-O ve Ben-Sen ilişkisi olarak ayırmıştır. Ben-O ilişkisi insanın varlıkla sıradan tecrübesine karşılık gelirken, Ben-Sen ilişkisi insanın ötekiyle diyalog kurduğu anda ortaya çıkan daha derin bir ilişkidir. Ötekiyle ilişki; tüm etik değerlendirmeleri içinde barındıran, yaşamın dinamizmine uygun, insanlık tarihinin mitolojik ve etik dinamiklerini de içeren bir ilişkinin temellerini içermektedir. Ben-Sen ilişkisi yalnızca insanın insanlarla kurduğu bir ilişkiyi değil insanın canlı, cansız ve manevi tüm varlıklarla (...) kurduğu ilişkiyi açıklamaktadır. Ben-Sen ilişkisinin sadece insanın insanla olan ilişkiyi ele almaması etik üzerine yapılan çalışmalara yeni bir bakış sağlayacak niteliktedir. Buber’in etik anlayışı; diyalog etiği, ötekiyle ilişki etiği, durum etiği, antropolojik etik, varoluş etiği, meslek etiği, anarşist etik, postmodern etik gibi birçok etik anlayışla bağlantılıdır. Buber herhangi bir ahlaki norm ve etik koda bağlı olmayan, tarihsel, ontolojik ve ilişkiyi öncül kılan geniş çaplı içeriğe sahip bir etiğin temellerini ortaya koymaktadır. (shrink)

The aim of this study is to examine the influence of the Italian thinker Machiavelli on the approaches of Pareto, Mosca and Michels, which are the classical representatives of elite theories and elitist approaches discussed in the discipline of political sociology. Majority-minority relations that shape the political forms of government, the share of the powerful and influential in the government, the reasons that ensure the social acceptance of power, and the legitimation of these reasons fall within the scope of elite (...) theories.Some concepts emphasized by elite theorists are related to the basic concepts that Machiavelli put forward in his teachings. These concepts and the contexts in which they are used depend on being powerful, cunning and protecting one's status, etc. is related.It is thought that examining the effects of Machiavellian attitudes and methods on the formation of elite theories will allow the classical elite approaches to be examined from a different perspective. It is important for both sociology and political sciences to examine the projection of the concept of "inequality", which is examined as a sociological concept, and the concept of "stratification" based on it, in the political field, with the help of elite theories. Because the Machiavellian philosophy in the background of elite-elite approaches illuminates the main lines of the systematic of political stratification. In this study, a method in which primary and secondary sources are examined and the views of thinkers are presented comparatively has been adopted. Therefore, first of all, information about the theoretical background was given, based on the views put forward by Machiavelli in his works. Then, the contributions of the above-mentioned thinkers to elite theories are discussed comparatively. (shrink)

There is a common understanding among logicians today that nonmonotonic types of reasoning, such as defeasible or presumptive, can clearly warrant a rational acceptance of its conclusion. Recognition of the significance and legitimacy of these forms of arguments, which were considered for long as fallacious, is believed to be very recent and many logicians tended to reject any discussions around it within the tradition of logic after Aristotle. In contrast, Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), since medieval age, has recognised the validity and (...) importance of non-deductive forms of reasoning, analysed the structures of such arguments and demonstrated how the conventionally understood fallacies are not essentially fallacies. Qiyās – generally represents analogical reasoning – is taken here as a case of defeasible reasoning in Islamic argumentation. This paper will show through works of two emblematic medieval Muslim jurist-logicians, al-Juwainī and al-Ghazzālī, that understanding the legitimacy and the structure of non-deductive forms of arguments is at the core of Islamic legal theories (usūl al-fiqh), and that they recognised its legitimacy and proposed a dialectical method (jadal) of approaching it. Les logiciens comprennent généralement que les types de raisonnement non monotones peuvent justifier l’acceptation rationnelle des conclusions. L’importance et la légitimité de ces formes d’arguments, qui ont longtemps été considérées comme fallacieuses, ont été controversées parmi les logiciens de la tradition logique aristotélicienne. En revanche, la jurisprudence islamique (fiqh) a depuis longtemps reconnu l’importance des formes de raisonnement non déductives et a démontré que les sophismes conventionnellement compris ne sont pas essentiellement des sophismes. Le qiyās – qui représente généralement le raisonnement analogique – est un exemple de raisonnement réfutable dans l’argumentation islamique. Je montre à travers les travaux de deux juristes-logiciens musulmans médiévaux emblématiques, al-Juwainī et al-Ghazzālī, que la compréhension de la légitimité des formes d’arguments non déductives est au cœur des théories juridiques islamiques (usūl al-fiqh), qui ont proposé une méthode d’approche dialectique (jadal). (shrink)

According to Islamic law, there are rules and prohibitions that Muslims must follow in their actions and transactions. The prohibition of interest has been decisive in many actions, especially in debt. Accordingly, Muslims cannot put forward a condition of interest in their debt, nor can they take any transactions under this condition. Many jurists viewed interest not only as an excess of the debt but also as any benefit that the creditor would receive from the debtor other than the amount (...) of the loan, and they evaluated it within the scope of interest. Since the lender of “qard”, which is generally used to define the debt, should not receive anything in return and should expect its reward from Allah, this was called “qard al-hasen”, quoting the relevant verses of the Qur’an, and Muslims tried to meet their credit needs through qard al-hasen. However, in some cases, people had difficulty obtaining the credit they needed, and especially in the modern period, the need for credit has increased both individually and institutionally. Therefore, Muslims tried to meet their need for qard by resorting to different ways within the limits of the Shariʽah. While applications based on transactions such as sukuk, mudaraba and murabaha and those based on intermediary transactions such as the purchase and sale of goods or partnerships were developed, applications based on direct debt without resorting to such transactions remained almost non-existent. However, from the expressions in the books of classical fiqh, it is understood that the juʽalah, which is defined as “promising a reward in return for an action”, can be used for obtaining qard under certain conditions. In this type of juʽalah, which can be named as juʽalah ala al-iqtirad, a person in need of qard promises a certain reward from third parties to the person who provides him qard. Considering that there is a qard in question in this transaction and that the debtor pays more than the qard he has received, it is necessary to examine the opinions about this transaction's relationship with interest and its validity. The main focus of the research will be answers to questions such as the conditions that the aforementioned juʽalah transaction must meet to be valid, in what ways this transaction differs from interest-bearing transactions, and within which limits. (shrink)

One of the new and interesting topics of the economic literature is middleincome trap. Middle-income trap can be generally defined as middle-income countries showing a slow growth performance, jamming at a certain level of income and can not pass to high income groups. The aim of this study is to investigate whether the E7 (Emerging 7) countries, which have an important place among the developing countries, are in middle-income trap. In this context, Robertson and Ye (2013) approach has been taken (...) into consideration. Empirical analyzes were performed using single and two structural breaks unit root tests. As a result of the analysis, evidence has been obtained that Indonesia, Mexico and Russia that member of E-7 groups, are in the middle-income trap. Brazil, China, India and Turkey are not generally in the middle-income trap. (shrink)

This paper presents a comprehensive Tag set as a fundamental component for developing an automated Word Class/part-of-speech (PoS) tagging system for the Arabic language. The aim is to develop a standard and comprehensive PoS tag set that based upon PoS classes and Arabic inflectional morphology useful for Linguistics and Natural Language Processing (NLP) developers to extract more linguistic information from it. The tag names in the developed tag set uses terminology from Arabic tradition grammar rather than English grammar. The usability (...) of the presented Tag set has been tested in manual tagging and built up a set of tagged text to serve as a goal corpus used to compare it with the results obtained from the tagger. The tagger has achieved an average accuracy of 90% using the developed detailed tag set. (shrink)

Ülfet Görgülü, Fıkıhta Cenin Hukuku, M.Ü. İlahiyat fakültesi Vakfı Yayınları, 2018, 180 s.

Since 2012-2013 academic years, elective courses have been added to the weekly course schedules. Within the religion, morality/ ethic and values group in the elective courses, Hz. Muhammad's Life, Koran and Basic Religious Knowledge (I-II) coursesare also included. This research was conducted on 413 students in five different schools affiliated to Kırıkkale Provincial Directorate of National Education in the academic year of 2017-2018 that is aiming to determine students' evaluations on subjects in the context of the course contents, textbooks and (...) teacher competences of elective religious courses. In this study, survey model and questionnaire technique were used in the study. According to the results of the research; Students who choose elective religion courses learn accurate information about religion. The sub subjects/ contents in elective religion course are given daily necessities of the students. There isn’t the effect of the friends on students’ choice of these classes. Also, there isn’t the effect of the headmaster and guidance teachers on students’ choice of these classes. But, there is also the effect of the parents on students’ choice of these classes. Elective religious lesson books are not prepared well. The textbook in elective courses doesn’t include enough activities / exercises. But the textbooks in elective religion courses have got enough pictures, photographs and tables. Training materials are not used in the courses. The teachers of these courses are adequate that is thought by the students. But on the other hand, it has been determined that the classes are crowded in the Qur'an courses so that there is not enough time left for the students. (shrink)

In terms of classical tafsir literature, it is possible that the speeches made to a person or group in the Qurʾān carry messages for other individuals or groups. According to some approaches that emerged in the modern period, when the speech was made and to whom it was directed not only determine the meaning, but also limits it. This dilemma has to be based on the theoretical dimension. The most obvious example of the transition of the speech from direct counterpart (...) to the other is the transition of the speeches made to the unbelievers to the believers. Therefore, in this study, the possibility of the transcendence of the speech in the Qurʾān will be handled in the context of the messages for believers in the speeches directed to the unbelievers. One aspect of the issue of the transcendence of the speech in the Qurʾān can be explained by the style that the Qurʾān follows. However, the subject should also be based on linguistic aspects. As a matter of fact, the expansion of the speech can sometimes be related to the meanings of words and sometimes with the possibilities and literary aspects of language, and sometimes with an analytical effort. In this study, the related examples will be analyzed and it will be revealed that the transition between the speeches in the Qurʾān is possible in terms of the style of the Qurʾān. In the study, the methodological findings related to the linguistic aspects of the issue will also be studied.Summary: The discourse that the Qurʾān is an address by God makes different associations in terms of classical literature and some modern methods of understanding. In the works of classical method and rhetoric, a theoretical framework is drawn around the nature, arbitrariness, conditions and types of the book. In this context, the varieties, indications and scopes of the addresses in the Qurʾān are discussed. While it is emphasized that the Qurʾān is an address in modernist contextualist approaches, it is stated that understanding the address requires having contextual information, therefore reading the address as a book evaporates meaning. Because, according to these approaches, the meaning is sought in the text with the transformation of address to book (verbal culture to written culture), thus the Qurʾān is converted from a literal meaning into a system. Knowing what the Qurʾān tells and why it tells that, depends on the comprehension of all the contextual elements of the Qurʾān, which was sent as an address. In fact, knowledge of when, where and when the Qurʾān was sent about what events and to whom it is addressed, is the data that is primarily considered in the comprehension of the verses, as emphasized by the classical interpretation literature. However, the perception of the classical interpretation evaluates these data in different categories in terms of the integrity of religion, judgment and experience. For example, the narrations on the reason of sending and the Makki-Madani information are only examples of the meanings of the verses. They sometimes serve as elements that contribute to the comprehension of the verses, while sometimes with the help of other chapters they can narrow the meanings of the verses. The realist-methodological basis of the method science provides the emergence of this holistic-categorical perspective.It is difficult to justify the claim that there is an absolute relationship between the address and the addressee in terms of the classical literature. In the classical literature, the expressions, which come in the form of an address and have a mandatory relationship with addressees, are dealt with the concept of direct address. Direct addresses are binding for the first addressees. Because when an address is mentioned, it is mandatory to have an addressee. It can be assumed that this discourse has the same position with the context theories considering its premises. However, it is not possible to compare these theories with each other in terms of the scope of the address. Classical theories of reasoning consider that direct addresses cover indirect addressees by methods, such as shar’i (legal) necessity or analogy (qiyas), while contextualists and historians can convert the text beyond the virtual level by identifying what a command means within the context of the address-addressee relationship. When the Qurʾān is completely considered as an address, or when direct addresses are taken into consideration, it is very difficult for the modern period's comprehension methods that the verses, which mention or address the disbelievers-polytheists, can also address Muslims. In fact, the dialectic of the address-addressee requires this. Moreover, the addressees (polytheists-Muslims) who are spoken within the context of the verses have two different beliefs that cannot be dealt with at the same time and mentioned in the same verse. Therefore, it is not possible to direct the messages given to the polytheists to the believers and to attribute the qualities in these verses to Muslims.However, the classical literature did not even consider as a problem to address Muslims with the verses that directly addressing unbelievers-polytheists. It is because both linguistics and facts requires this. The method practitioners and interpreters discussed this issue in a very wide range. They examined the transitivity of the book between parties, such as people of the book-Muslims, Muslims-unbelievers, Prophet-ummah. In the context of the interpretation literature and the perception of modern-day interpretation, the possibility of the transitivity of the book can be clarified in the context of the inclusiveness of a verse that speaks of polytheists-disbelievers to include Muslims, or the conversion of an address to polytheists-unbelievers to Muslims. Classical literature explains this point sometimes with the literal indication (circularization) and the circumstance of literary use of language (rhetoric) and sometimes with the possibility of the address (stylistic features).In verses and hadiths, belief bases categorical classes, such as believers, unbelievers, polytheists, hypocrites, people of the book are mentioned, as well as descriptions of the characteristic-practical dimensions of these classes. In this context, commands sometimes refer to the practices that need to be performed in order to be a believer, sometimes works that must not be performed by the believer, and sometimes matters that might put the believer's faith-practice integrity at risk when it is done. In the Qurʾān, in some of the addresses to the believers, it is apparent that they are prohibited from being like unbelievers or having unbeliever-like qualities. Moreover, sometimes negative results that may arise for Muslims when they act like unbelievers are cited in the verses. Sometimes at the end of the verses that address and mention Muslims, information is included on situations involving unbelievers and the torment they will encounter. In addition, in cases where adjectives belonging to opposing belief profiles are mentioned, the address to non-Muslims expresses warning, evaluation, gratitude and perseverance in faith for Muslims, while the address to Muslims contains elements of incentive and opportunity for non-Muslim groups. It is possible to justify this matter with the style of the Qurʾān. However, it can be said that the transitivity of the address in the Qurʾān takes place in two theoretical aspects. The first of these is related to linguistic-rhetoric premises and it is used in antithesis, allusion, metaphor etc. The second one is the similitude-comparison. Here, the comparison is a phenomenon that occurs in the mind without the need for propositions. Because when the mind hears these statements, it can instantly reach a stronger meaning than the literal wording. In this study, it is discussed whether it is possible to transition from direct addresses to indirect addressees, with reference to the problems of the modern period. In this context, the study primarily focuses on the fact that the Qurʾān sometimes transmits its messages and teachings to addressees through opposing belief systems. Thus, the manner adopted by the Qurʾān while directing certain commands and negations, not directly but through the opposing side, has been presented. In this study, the possibility of the verses that only mentions polytheists-unbelievers to also addressing Muslims was analyzed and these verses were compared with addresses to Muslims on the same matters. In the last part of the study, a theoretical framework was drawn on the subject and the method of interdisciplinary transitivity was determined. (shrink)

Mushkil al-Qur’ān is a science of the Qur’ān in which the verses that are considered contradictory at first glance and what ways/methods are used in reconciling them. From the point of view of a commentator or even a believer, the ishkal (contradiction) cannot be attributed to the Qur’ān proper, and the supposed contradictions between verses do not appear in the Qur’ān but the mind of the subject. Therefore, in this science, it can be seen that both the recognition of contradictions (...) and the elimination of contradictions are related to the interpretive context of the tafsīr methodology. This science has emerged on a dynamic ground and has a characteristic feature that determines the interpreter’s ability to interpret. The aspect of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān that distinguishes it from other Qurʾānic Sciences relates to the practical dimension of the tafsīr rather than general determinations and statistical information about the Qur’ān. For this reason, the scope of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān may change depending on the time, culture, perspective of the commentator, knowledge, and school preferences. The fact that disciplines define the concept of mushkil in different ways, and the change in the scope of the subject in the independent works written in the early period and the Qurʾānic Sciences literature written after al-Zarkashī requires a terminological-chronological-methodological analysis of the nature and content of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān scholarship. With its pre-Zarkashī structure, Mushkil al-Qur’ān science differs from its structure that emerged in the later period, both in terms of its target audience and its content. If we look at the works of names such as Ibn Qutaybah, it becomes clear that this science is mandated to cater to the religionless. However, especially with the scope and methods in which it has been dealt with in the recent period, the Mushkil al-Qur’ān is based on the internal dynamics of the shari'a sciences. Therefore, it can be said that al-Zarkashī defined the science of Mushkil al-Qur’ān, which had a comprehensive content in the early period, with a different name and a narrowing of its content as a field fed by the internal dynamics of the tafsīr, and that this science acquired a unified form after al-Suyūṭī. This process brought about some changes in the subject matter and content of the science of the Mushkil al-Qur'ān. For the Mushkil al-Qur’ān, which in the early days had the purpose of answering the doubts and objections of the deniers of the Qur’ān, developed after al-Zarkashī into a field mainly concerned with removing the difficulties of understanding. Within this framework, the methods and classifications presented in this science with the structure defined by al-Zarkashī are the products of the effort to make sense of the Word of God. The systematization of this effort to make sense under the umbrella of shāri‘ sciences in a terminological and theoretical framework opens the science of Mushkil al-Qur'ān to the fields of kalam and fiqh/method. In the works written on Mushkil al-Qur’ān and in the literature on fiqh, the reasons for the contradictions between the verses and the ways to eliminate them are given. What these ways depend on the context in which the contradiction is dealt with. Those who treat the contradiction in a way that includes the ambiguities in the words while eliminating these ambiguities resort to other pieces of evidence such as narratives, style of expression/context, truth metaphor, reason, analogy, and custom. In case of an apparent contradiction, methods like cem‘ (gathering), preference, naskh, renunciation are used. Despite the differences in the school’s preferences as to which of these methods was used first in the classical period, there is almost a consensus as to the ways followed in eliminating contradictions between verses. In the modern period, some scholars claim that one of these methods, abrogation, is directly related to the Mushkil al-Qur’ān, and they explain that naskh is applied when the contradictions between the verses cannot be interpreted. This assertion, made in modern times, that naskh is a method that scholars resort to when they cannot remove the impression of contradictions between verses, is closely related to the definition, essence, and content of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān. In this context, it is crucial where the ways/methods used to follow the nature-content pendulum while eliminating the counterparts of the terms and the impressions of contradiction. This is because the acceptance of naskh as a contradiction solution stems from the fact that it is one of the ways to prove that there is no contradiction in the Qur’ān from the perspective of fiqh, and naskh means that two contradictory provisions were valid at different times. The contradiction arises when it is claimed that these two provisions are valid at the same time. (shrink)

The Abrahamic tradition that the Arabs value most was ḥajj. The ḥajj, which means to visit Kaʿba was the greatest means of getting closer to Allāh. The Kaʿba was the house of Allāh. And the visitors of the Kaʿba were Allāh’s guests. For this reason, the Arabs used to great respect to the visitors and they never used to attack a man in the ḥarem (the area around the Kaʿba). The same respect included visitors’ travels to the Kaʿba. There were (...) two Abrahamic traditions that ensured the safety of visitors and sacrifices: Ḥaram months and qalāid. Ḥaram months were Dhū l-Qaʿdah, Dhū l-Ḥijjah, Muḥarram and Rajab. And the Arabs did not used to attack anyone in those months. For visits outside the ḥaram months, the visitors used to use the qalāid as a primitive visa. Qalāid is the plural of the word qilāda, meaning necklace. The Arab, who saw the qilādas, used to understand that the person who wore the qilāda wanted to go to the Kaʿba or had returned home from the Kaʿba. Qilādas used to be knitted from wool ropes and they used to be hung on animals’ neck or humps. Sometimes horseshoes used to hang on these qilādas. On the way back from Kaʿba, the barks of the ḥarem trees used to hang on the qilādas instead of the horseshoes. The Qurʾān orders Muslims not to disrespect the qilādas. This order also reveals that the Qurʾān recognizes the qilāda tradition. Allāh’s Apostle (sallallaahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) and Ṣaḥāba are also known to continue this tradition.Summary: Ḥajj was the most important worship of the Arabs in the pre-Islamic period. Human and commodity mobility in the ḥajj had an important place in the life of the Meccans who lived in land unfit for agriculture. This fact is expressed as follows in Abraham’s (Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl) prayer: “Our Lord! Lo! I have settled some of my posterity in an uncultivable valley near unto Thy holy House, our Lord! That they may establish proper worship; so incline some hearts of men that they may yearn toward them, and provide Thou them with fruits in order that they may be thankful.” (Ibrahim 14:37) The Arabs who lived in various parts of the Arabian Peninsula used to come to Mecca during the ḥajj season and present their sacrifices. They also used to buy their needs from nearby markets. These markets were also places where traders had the opportunity to sell their products.Because the Arabian Peninsula is unfavorable in terms of climate and soil, many Arab tribes used to raid and attack other tribes to sustain their existence. It is even known that some Arabs proud of their raids. The attacks only used to stop in the ḥaram months (Dhū l-Qaʿdah, Dhū l-Ḥijjah, Muḥarram and Rajab). Because of the prohibition of fighting in the ḥaram months, the visitors used to visit the Kaʿba with confidence. Thanks to this truce, the trade goods carried by visitors used to reach to Mecca with confidence.It was possible that the visits outside of the ḥaram months were safe. However, it was necessary to follow some traditions in order to achieve this confidence. Visitors to the Kaʿba used to use some signs that they were visitors to the Kaʿba. One of these signs was qilāda (necklace) hanging on the neck or hump of the animal. The person wearing qilāda was Allāh’s guest, and his sacrifice was the property of Allāh. For this reason, no Arab would to dare to attack these visitors and property. Because of the Arab reverence for the Kaʿba, visitors wearing qilādas used to come to the Kaʿba and present their sacrifices throughout the year. The sacrifices had an important place in the livelihood of the poor.Qilādas were mostly used for visits outside the ḥaram months. The qilādas used to hang on the necks of the animals shipped to the Kaʿba as sacrifice. However, it is also known that qilādas are sometimes hung on hump. People who did not deliver sacrifices (animals) to the Kaʿba used to hang the qilāda his neck to show that he was a visitor to the Kaʿba. Similarly, it is known that people who sacrificed their animals on the Kaʿba hang the qilāda their neck on the way back. The qilādas fitted on the way to the Kaʿba were made of ropes spun from wool or hair. Sometimes horseshoes used to hang on these qilādas. Ḥarem plants (grass, tree bark) used to use in the qilādas on the way back.The Qurʾān orders Muslims not to disrespect the qilādas. This order also reveals that the Qurʾān recognizes the qilāda tradition. The word qalāid is mentioned twice in the Qurʾān: “O ye who believe violate not the sanctity of the symbols of Allāh, nor of the sacred month, nor of the animals brought for sacrifice, nor the qalāid, nor the people resorting to the sacred house, seeking of the Bounty and good pleasure of their Lord.” (Al Māʼidah 5:2), “Allāh made the Kaʿba, the sacred house, an asylum of security of men as also the sacred months, the animals for offerings, and the qalāid.” (Al Māʼidah 5:97) Considering the practices of the qilāda, it is understood that qilādas are a kind of visa. It is understood that all practices related to the visit to the Kaʿba, especially the ḥajj, have an aim to satisfy the material-spiritual needs of those who come there for the purpose of visiting and trading, as well as those who reside in the Kaʿba. Therefore, it will not be far away to say that qilādas can be used today for the same purpose. For example, labels, banderols, visas and passports can be used instead of ropes, horseshoes and plants. On the other hand, the meaning of the āyāt (verse) in which the word qalāid is mentioned is not limited to the Arabs. The same āyāt declare that qilādas are a development (qiyām) instrument for people. Therefore, the qilāda has a meaning potential beyond the 7th century and the inhabitants of this century. (shrink)

Muslim communities in principally non-Muslim nation states (e.g. South Africa, United States of America, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands) established a plethora of Muslim theological institutions. They have done so with the purpose of educating and reinforcing their Muslim identity. These educational structures have given rise to numerous questions that one encounters as one explores the rationale for their formation. Some are: have these institutions contributed towards the growth of Muslim extremism as argued by American and European Think Tanks? (...) If so, then in which and why did they do so? If not, then why have they been falsely accused, and how should Muslims counter these erroneous criticisms? And, more importantly, have some of these educational institutions—as agents of ‘social change’—contributed towards the ‘common good’ of the society? In response, the article attempts to investigate the reasons for the formation of these Muslim educational institutions within a broad Southern Africa democratic context. It prefaces the discussion by first constructing ‘social change’ as a viable theoretical frame and it thereafter places the madrasas and Dar ul-‘Ulums within the mentioned context prior to reflecting upon the notion of the ‘common good.’ It then proceeds by making reference to the Dar ul-‘Ulum curriculum that plays a significant role in shaping and moulding the theologians’ thinking and behaviour. It concludes by questioning to what extent the type of theological curriculum that they constructed assists them to contribute towards the ‘common good’ of Southern Africa’ societies. (shrink)

Tarihte Aydınlanma adıyla bilinen dönemden bu yana metafizik, “bilimsel” olanın karşısına konumlandırılmıştır. Kabaca söyleyecek olursak Aydınlanma düşüncesi, bir zamanlar dünyayı açıklama ve onu anlamlandırmanın yegane yolu olan metafiziği hurafe ve safsata olarak görme, buna karşılık deneyime ve olgulara itibar etme eğilimindedir. Biz bu çalışmada, metafiziğe mesafeli olmak konusunda birleşen ve felsefelerinde genel olarak deneyimden ve olgulardan yana tavır takındığını söyleyebileceğimiz iki filozof olan Ludwig Wittgenstein ve William James’i karşılaştırdık. Herhangi iki şey arasında kıyaslama yapabilmek, ortak unsurların asgari düzeyde varlığını gerektirir. (...) Biz bahsi geçen iki düşünürü onların “doğruluk” anlayışları ve buna paralel olarak metafiziği değerlendirme biçimleri bağlamında ele aldık. Wittgenstein’a göre dünya hakkında öznellikten arınmış objektif bilgiye erişmek mümkündür. Ona göre psikoloji, epistemolojiden kesin olarak ayrılmalıdır. Doğruluğun süzgeci dildeki mantıksal form, nesneleri de olgulardır. Bu koşulları yerine getirmeyen tümceler anlamdan yoksundur. Metafiziğin kendisine konu edindiği nesneler, üzerine konuşulamayanlardır. Onlar “gösterilebilir” fakat dile getirilemezler. Oysa James için durum farklıdır. Ona göre olgular kendi başlarına doğru veya yanlış olamazlar. Doğruluk James’e göre zihnin deneyim süreçleriyle şekillenmektedir ve esnek bir yapıdadır. Mevcut inanç stokumuz ile uyumlu olan ve pratik olarak bir fark yaratabilen her türden düşünce doğruluk vasfını yerine getirmeye hak kazanacaktır. James’e göre psikoloji, doğrulanma süreçlerinden ve doğrunun kendisinden bağımsız değildir. (shrink)